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Explanatory Notes to Paris and Vienne

Chapter 1, Paragraph 1

kynge Charles. No king Charles ruled France in 1271, and Vers. I gives no date; however, a series of kings from the Valois family had that name (ruled 1364–1461). Cépède composed his romance during the reign of Charles VII.back to note source

Vyennoys. Vienne, south of Lyons, is the principal city of the region of Vienne, whose lords took the title dauphin [Fr. dolphin] from the emblem and sobriquet of a family founder. Young Charles V inherited the province from his grandfather in 1349 and used the title until his coronation; following this precedent the title and territories passed exclusively to the successor to the French throne. The region itself was referred to as Dauphiné.back to note source

Godefroy of Alaunson. No such person has been identified.back to note source

that men calle Dyane. This phrase does not appear in BN1. The reference is confusing, for in Roman mythology, Diana is the goddess of the moon, while Venus is associated with both the morning and the evening star.back to note source

redy to Hys devyne servyce. See MED redi (adj. 3, senses 1(a), 5 (a)). This makes the gloss, “Children pleasing and eager to serve God.”back to note source

prayer. The infertile couple whose prayer for a child is answered (MIFL D1925.3, T548.1) is a staple of romance plotting. Often, as here and in Blanchardyn and Eglantine, it is the initial episode leading to the birth of the protagonist. The meme also appears in the Middle English verse romances Sir Tryamour, Northern Octavian, and Sir Gowther.back to note source

nourysshed. It was a common practice among the nobility and gentry to place their infants with wet nurses, often members of their households or affinity. The romance’s attention to the pedigree of the protagonist’s breast milk is similar to that in Blanchardyn and Eglantine (1.2).back to note source

beawté and gentylnesse. Vers. I includes several more sentences detailing Vienne’s accomplishments: reading books of romances and histories, mastery of dancing, singing, and many musical instruments, and being in all things gracious and pleasant. Her musicianship complements that of Paris.back to note source

Chapter 1, Paragraph 2

fyftene. L says she is twelve; BN1 gives no age. Caxton makes Vienne older, perhaps a reflection of the English practice of later marriage. In Vers. I the couple are younger — he is sixteen and she is eleven, which more nearly accords with marriage practices in southern Europe.back to note source

knyghtes. L and BN1 mention royalty among her suitors, including kings, princes, and dukes.back to note source

Syr James. BN1 and L give the name Jacques, which Caxton uses in the rest of the romance.back to note source

by the hande of the sayd lord daulphyn. Caxton added the detail of the dauphin knighting Paris. L reads et dedans peu de tamps fut fait chevalier [and in a short while was made knight]. BN1 lacks this concluding phrase.back to note source

Chapter 1, Paragraph 3

huntyng. Hunting was the purview of the aristocracy and part of the performance of chivalry. Many romances include episodes of hunting and members of the nobilty and gentry owned manuals of hunting. See, for example, The Master of Game by Edward of Norwich, second duke of York; the Book of St. Albans, by Juliana Berners; The Art of Hunting, by William Twiti. back to note source

honour. BN1 and L vary from BL and each other. BN1 says the knights went to tournaments throughout the land [monde], while L says they especially attended those in the kingdom of France. Both BN1 and L conclude by remarking on the couples’ exemplary youth and beauty.back to note source

Chapter 1, Paragraph 4

musycyens. Musicianship was associated with chivalry, especially the ability to perform courtly melodies and lyrics. Sir Tristrem was a noted harper; his lessons with Isolde kindled their love affair. Chaucer says of his Squire that “syngynge he was, or floytynge [piping], al the day; . . . He koude songes make and wel endite” (CT I [A] 91, 95).back to note source

Venus, the goddes of love. The phrase was added by Caxton; it is the only reference to the gods and religion of courtly love in the short version. BN1 and L say only that before a year had passed Paris began to fall in love with Vienne.back to note source

hyghe lygnage. Paris’s father is a vassal of the dauphin and without a title.back to note source

Chapter 2, Rubric

by nyght tofore the chambre of Vyenne. BN1 and L read aubades, a word from Old Provençal referring to love songs, literally dawn songs. According to convention, they would be performed beneath a lady’s opened window.back to note source

Chapter 2, Paragraph 1

theyr musycal instrumentes. Caxton has introduced details into this account of Paris’s and Edward’s performance, namely recorders, pipes, other instruments, and men’s voices.back to note source

mynstrellys. Vers.1 devotes more attention to the episode of the minstrel contest, a convention of romance in which the hero in disguise is judged the winner, often in competition for the favor of a lady. In Paris and Vienne, the hero declines to participate and is still judged the champion.back to note source

Chapter 2, Paragraph 2

came. BN1 and L include a detail missing from Caxton, a boy [enfant] who carries the instruments. Paris and Edward are concerned for the child should they be discovered; L explains that they send him back to the hostel.back to note source

Chapter 2, Paragraph 4

they recounted. In BN1 and L the men relate that three of them were wounded — in the head, the arm, and the leg.back to note source

Chapter 2, Paragraph 5

Saynt Laurence. In Vers. I the name is Saint Vincent. No such place has been identified in the city of Vienne.back to note source

Chapter 2, Paragraph 6

lystes and scaffoldes to be sette up. Caxton has added details to this passage to heighten the splendor of the event, specifically the construction of the stands and the presence of heralds and knights from Normandy, the fine gold of the jewels, and the nobility and beauty of Vienne.back to note source

fyrst day of May. May Day was traditionally a time to celebrate the coming of spring (and love) and a day of festivals. In the later Middle Ages, many tournaments were held around May Day and Whitsuntide; Froissart notes that English knights assembled for the jousts of St. Engelvert (1390) at the beginning of May (Chronicles, ed. Brereton, pp. 373–81).back to note source

Chapter 2, Paragraph 7

Johan duc of Bourbon . . . duc of Carnes. The names of the knights in this and other lists of tournament participants do not always agree with those in BN1 and L, which vary from each other; Caxton adds references to English knights. Attempts to associate the names with historical personages have met with limited success.back to note source

Chapter 2, Paragraph 9

wete ye wel . . . byfore hyr. Gracious table service and skill at carving were regarded as necessary accomplishments for young gentlemen and knights. See, for example, Chaucer’s Squire who “carf biforn his fader at the table” (CT I [A]100). Caxton printed The Babee’s Boke and The Boke of Curtasye which include instructions on table manners (ed. Furnivall, Early English Meals and Manners, pp. 250–58; pp. 175–205). The Boke of Kervynge, printed by Wynkyn de Worde, gives detailed instructions for carving and serving (ed. Furnivall, Early English Meals and Manners, pp. 147–74). BN1 and L conclude the scene differently. While serving, Paris observes Vienne’s beauty and feels the love in his heart grow; however, he takes great care that no one should notice it.back to note source

Chapter 3, Paragraph 1

juste. The tournament episode incorporates several familiar motifs: the knight who participates incognito in a three day tournament for the hand of a lady, in which he proves his valor and defeats other suitors (MIFL R222, also H331.2).back to note source

floure of knyghthode. A conventional expression and metaphor: the flowering, the perfect development of chivalry; a gathering of those knights held to be the most accomplished in feats of arms (see Whiting F311).back to note source

rydyng tofore . . . Edward of England. Not in BN1 or L. Caxton adds details of the muster as the knights, in full regalia, parade by Vienne’s scaffold.back to note source

Chapter 3, Paragraph 2

worshyp. Worship was synoymous with respect, honor, esteem, and high social status. In the context of chivalry, it refers to praise and renown for deeds of arms (MED worship(e (n.) senses 1a; 3a).back to note source

Edward. The king of England’s son is not mentioned in Vers. I, which contains an extended technical account of Paris’s combat with a nameless knight. All texts of the short version agree in identifying him as Edward.back to note source

Chapter 4, Paragraph 1

themself. Vers. I includes extended conversations between Paris and Edward and between Vienne and Ysabel.back to note source

Chapter 4, Paragraph 3

estate. The term refers to social status or rank and to the three estates constituting medieval society: clergy, nobility, and commons. It also has the meanings of wealth and possessions (MED estat (n.), senses 10a; 14a)back to note source

hym. In Vers. I Vienne expounds upon her lovesickness at length, as does Paris in the passage that follows there.back to note source

Chapter 4, Paragraph 4

sparkles of love. This is a conventional image of the heart aflame with love common in the literature of courtly (and spiritual) love.back to note source

sayd. Vers. I gives an extended version of messire Jacques’s advice to his son, followed by a lengthy reply from Paris expressing filial devotion and remorse for displeasing his parents.back to note source

thys bysshop. Here, and later (6.5; 7.2), Caxton suppresses an anti-clerical comment. In both BN1 and L messire Jaques calls the churchman a dyable devecque [devil of a bishop].back to note source

Chapter 4, Paragraph 5

Breunes. A region in Champagne. BL and L agree, but BN1, the 1482 Italian print, and Vers. I all read Bohemia. Vers. I gives an extended account of the combat.back to note source

Constaunce. A Constance (d. 1461) was sister to Edward Langly, Duke of York.back to note source

joustes. Vers. I includes a more detailed description of the field and scaffold, and their decorations.back to note source

eighth day. In 4.9, the tourney is said to take place of the fourteenth of September.back to note source

Chapter 4, Paragraph 7

secretly. Vers. I does not include the justifications for secrecy found in BL, L, and BN1: that the nobles will praise Paris’s exploits less if they are aware of his lower status, and that status might also be an affront to Vienne, should he become known as her champion.back to note source

Chapter 4, Paragraph 9

for fro all partyes. BN1 says that never before was seen such nobility in France, England, or Flanders. Caxton changes the order of ideas in this passage and introduces new details which emphasize the chivalry and splendor of the occasion. L lacks a detail found in BL and BN1: the three jewels in the banners. Caxton embellishes with a phrase about the sparkle of their gems and pearls.back to note source

shortest wyse. The composer of the short romance expedites the narrative, giving an abridged account of the combats described in Vers. I. That romance gives much more detail throughout the tournament episode. Nevertheless, Caxton’s romance touches on all the main elements of the tournament: the sending out of heralds to announce it, the establishment of prizes, the construction of lists and scaffolds, the gathering of the participants, the opening address of the sponsor, the parade of knights and catalogue of names and arms, the series of encounters, the awarding of prizes to the victor. As jousts became more and more ceremonial in the fifteenth century, books of instructions and regulations for tournaments began to appear. Sir John Tiptoft, earl of Worcester and constable under Edward IV, wrote Ordinances for Justes and Triumphes, a manual including rules for scoring; the Paston’s Great Book included similar items.back to note source

Chapter 4, Paragraph 10

felde be of love. The king declares that these will be combats à plaisance, for sport, not à la outrance, that is to the utmost, i.e. death. Knights were considered defeated when their lances were broken and they were unhorsed.back to note source

Chapter 4, Paragraph 11

Bourgoyne. Burgundy was a region in west central France, seat of powerful dukes who, in the fifteenth century, also ruled much of northern France, modern Belgium, and the Netherlands.back to note source

Bremeos. Later, Caxton refers to this character as Johan of Breunes (5.1).back to note source

Carnes. Perhaps Tarnès, in southwestern France.back to note source

horsed. Vers. I treats the rivalry of the three knights at greater length.back to note source

Chapter 5, Paragraph 1

overthrewe hym. The brief accounts of these combats, in which no one is killed, can be contrasted with the extended, graphic combats of Blanchardyn and Eglantine.back to note source

Chapter 5, Paragraph 2

gaf so grete strokes. Vers. I treats the tournament at greater length and includes different details, making it a more equal contest.back to note source

sayeng. Paris’s speech is much longer in Vers. I, though its content is the same.back to note source

Chapter 6, Paragraph 1

knyght. Vers. I gives an extended account of the awarding of prizes and the declaration recognizing Vienne as the fairest of the ladies.back to note source

Fraunce. The region around Paris in what is now central France.back to note source

Chapter 6, Paragraph 3

whan. In Vers. I, the homecoming celebration in Dauphiné is described in detail and the dauphin makes a speech recounting the events of the tournament.back to note source

Chapter 6, Paragraph 5

thou. Messire Jacques here uses the familiar singular pronoun, signalling reproach as well as his son’s subordinate status. In the following paragraph, Edward uses this form of address to remonstrate with his friend about his conduct.back to note source

Chapter 6, Paragraph 6

sayd. In Vers. I messire Jacques’s speech is much longer.back to note source

melancolye. Melancholy, besides being a state of sadness, is one of the four humors (fluids) of which the human body was composed. According to the medieval system of physiology, each humor corresponded to one of the four elements comprising all of creation. Melancholy, or black bile, was associated with earth and depression; choler, or yellow bile, was associated with fire and anger; blood was associated with air and a sanguine (active and cheerful) temperament; phlegm was associated with water and a placid or sluggish temperament. The medieval theory of disease associated each humor with a particular organ: blood with the liver, yellow and black bile with the gall bladder and spleen, respectively, and phlegm with the lungs and brain. Good health required that the humors be kept in balance, so when messier Jaques is saddened and upset by Paris’s behavior, he suffers from a preponderance of black bile and develops a “sekenesse of fevres” (7.1). Disease, whether actual or feigned, is a recurring feature of the romance.back to note source

thou. Paris’s response to Edward’s remonstrations uses the same familiar pronouns as his friend, though here they may signal intimacy as well as objection to the offered advice.back to note source

Chapter 7, Paragraph 2

over longe to reherce. The composer of the short version abbreviates the passage. Vers. I describes more chambers in the hostel of messire Jacques, giving further details of luxurious apartments and a description of Paris’s robe, which Vienne recognizes from an earlier dream.back to note source

Chapter 7, Paragraph 4

oratorye. This is a small room for private prayer, often adjacent to a bed chamber. The homes of aristocrats and gentry often featured oratories, which were expressions of both affluence and piety. Paris’s, at twelve feet long, is large.back to note source

Chapter 7, Paragraph 5

speke. In Vers. I, Vienne calls out Paris’s name three times and addresses him in a lengthy passage of apostrophe and exclamation while shedding many tears.back to note source

Chapter 7, Paragraph 6

thee. Vienne here uses the familiar singular pronoun to express her anger and scorn for Ysabeau’s advice.back to note source

stynte. The concluding phrase, which restates Vienne’s infatuation with Paris, does not appear in BN1 and L. In L, the exchange between Vienne and Ysabeau concludes with Vienne citing the example of other noble women who loved knights of lower rank, specifically the example of Susana, daughter of the king of Armenia, who became enamored of her chamberlain who had put himself in peril on sea and land for the love of her and her father. Knowing that such prowess must arise from noble extraction, she makes discreet inquiries and discovers that he is Bauduyn, son of the Count D’Austin. This story features lovers who are only apparently of unequal status, and so confirms that chivalry and noble lineage go hand in hand. Vienne laments as she thinks of other lovers, men and women of unequal rank who could not marry and died of despair, and predicts her own similar demise.back to note source

Chapter 7, Paragraph 7

hymself. In Vers. I, the conversation is extended.back to note source

home. In Vers. I, Vienne dreams that night of Paris clothed in a rich robe.back to note source

Chapter 8, Paragraph 1

After certeyn tyme . . . feates of armes. This paragraph has no counterpart in Vers. I, which says only that Paris and Edward came back from Brabant before narrating the call on the dauphin.back to note source

Chapter 8, Paragraph 3

reverence. An act of respect, especially a bow (MED reverence (n.), sense 2). Attendance on the lord or lady was a matter of protocol in a noble household as described in Caxton’s publication, The Babees Boke (ed. Furnivall, Early English Meals and Manners, pp. 250–58).back to note source

sawe Parys. In Vers. I, Paris wears a robe from Brabant identical to the one in Vienne’s dream.back to note source

hous. Vers. I tells how Paris goes to the dauphin’s castle, where Vienne sees him from a window and converses with Isabel.back to note source

Chapter 8, Paragraph 4

sayd to hyr moder. In Vers. I the exchange between Vienne and her mother is longer.back to note source

Chapter 9, Paragraph 1

On the morne. The episode that follows is a synopsis of that in Vers. I.back to note source

Chapter 9, Paragraph 2

praye me, where ye have power to commaunde me. Paris’s reply is couched in the terms of courtly love service where the lady is dominant and the lover her servant. It is also a recognition of her superior social status.back to note source

Chapter 9, Paragraph 4

Edward sayd to hym. This scene does not appear in Vers. I; instead, there is a similar exchange between Vienne and Ysabel.back to note source

Chapter 9, Paragraph 5

fyftene yere. Vers. I says fourteen.back to note source

Chapter 9, Paragraph 6

consentyng of bothe partyes. According to canon law, a valid marriage required the consent of both parties.back to note source

Chapter 10, Paragraph 1

thou. The dauphin uses the familiar singular pronoun to emphasize his anger and scorn for messire Jaques and his inferior status as a vassal and vylayne.back to note source

fader. In Vers. I this scene is followed by Vienne’s dream of being attacked by a lion in her father’s garden and of Paris being unable to rescue her because he cannot cross a river.back to note source

Chapter 10, Paragraph 2

We . . . us. The dauphin here uses formal plural pronouns to refer to himself — the “royal we” — emphasizing his superior status and power.back to note source

nonne. In BN1 the dauphin says he will have Vienne dead or keep her in prison; in the Burgundian adaptation of Vers. I, the dauphin threatens to cut her into little pieces and eat her (FRLMA, p. 102).back to note source

And when Vyenne. In Vers. I Vienne and Ysabeau have a long conversation about her father’s response, followed by a similar one between Edward and Paris.back to note source

Chapter 10, Paragraph 3

touche not my body unto the tyme. Not in Vers. I.back to note source

Chapter 10, Paragraph 4

I have wrath. In Vers. I Paris explains that he is making the arrangements for a friend who has angered the dauphin.back to note source

Aygues Mortes. Aigues Mortes, on the Rhone River delta, was an important Mediterranean port. It was a point of preparation and departure for the seventh and eighth crusades in the thirteenth century. Its name, from the Occitan, translates as “dead waters,” a reference to the marshes and swamps in the region. As these silted up, the city’s importance waned.back to note source

fyve myle to fyve myle. George is to arrange for fresh mounts every five miles at regular stages on their journey.back to note source

galeye. Vers. I gives a fuller account of George’s activities.back to note source

passages. BN1 and L include the word chevaux [horses]. George arranges the party’s itinerary and permits for travel.back to note source

two hors. BN1 provides more details of Paris’s instructions to George: that he go to his father’s house and with the stable hand take two horses, making sure that his father does not know.back to note source

Chapter 11, Paragraph 2

Parys, seyng that George . . . passe the water. Not in Vers. I. The composer of the short version has Paris lie to protect Vienne from disturbing news.back to note source

Chapter 12, Paragraph 4

who that sleeth hymself wytyngly. Vienne here invokes the Catholic teaching that suicide is a sin and will send one’s soul to Hell, though she herself threatens suicide later (22.18). Paris’s eagerness to commit suicide is a convention derived from the tradition of troubadour lyrics where lovers profess to die when separated from their ladies. He is perhaps over-reacting, especially in comparison to Vienne’s sober assessment of their situation.back to note source

whome that ye ought to comforte. Vienne’s comment is both a rebuke to Paris’s masculinity and an assertion of her own agency, not often seen in romance heroines.back to note source

never have other husbond. Vienne’s promise, on her faith, to marry only Paris, and his later plea that she take no husband but him (15.3) could be considered a binding betrothal according to medieval canon law. See note 18.4 below.back to note source

Chapter 13, Paragraph 1

hevynesse. Vers. I tells of Paris riding alone so overcome with grief that he falls from his horse and is rescued by merchants.back to note source

fool. One who is mentally impaired, a person without reason (MED fol (n.), sense 1a). The word also has the sense of “fool of kynde,” that is one born with mental or physical challenges, since Paris appears to be mute. Other knights of romance driven mad by love are Tristrem and Lancelot, though their cases are extreme: both at times live as wild men in the woods.back to note source

Chapter 14, Paragraph 2

The whyche I byleve is drowned. This is an odd statement, though perhaps the chaplain is referring to George, who did drown, or is covering for Paris.back to note source

Chapter 14, Paragraph 3

penytence. Repentance is the penance imposed by a priest after hearing a confession. After confessing her love for Paris, Vienne asks to receive penance, saying her suffering will strengthen her soul. Paris, too, seeks penance for causing Vienne’s suffering (16.2, 18.7).back to note source

deye. Vers. I extends this scene.back to note source

Chapter 14, Paragraph 6

he wold doo marye. The dauphin is asking the earl of Flanders to advise him about suitable husbands for Vienne. In keeping with medieval practices of arranged aristocratic marriages, the negotiations continue with the king of France who must approve the proposed union.back to note source

myght. Vers. I contains a detailed account of Paris’s life in Genoa.back to note source

Chapter 15, Paragraph 1

letter. Paris’s letter in Vers. I begs his father’s pardon for causing him suffering and asks for news of him, but says nothing of his intention to serve God and go on pilgrimage, or about treating Edward as a son and heir. In the short version Paris’s journey is expiatory, an attempt to atone for his transgressions of disobedience to his parents and causing the suffering of Vienne (FRLMA, p. 124n120).back to note source

Chapter 15, Paragraph 2

letter of Edward sayd thus. In Vers. I, messire Jacques shares the letter with Edward who recounts the news to Vienne. She has Edward write to Paris, instructing him to go to the bank of Bertran de Picartville should he need funds.back to note source

Chapter 15, Paragraph 3

faders. In BN1 and Vers. I, he is to send the letter to a Jacques de Plaisance in Genoa.back to note source

Chapter 15, Paragraph 4

herde. Perhaps Edward is listening to someone reading the letters aloud.back to note source

Chapter 15, Paragraph 6

Edward sayd. This is a mistake; Vienne is still speaking. BN1 and L read “‘Il est verite,’ dist Vienne, ‘mais ne me parler plus de la lettre’” [“It is true,” said Vienne, “but do not speak to me more of the letter.”]back to note source

Chapter 16, Paragraph 1

eschaunge. A letter of credit or exchange, arranging a transfer funds. Letters of exchange became common in the later Middle Ages as international trade flourished and a banking system developed.back to note source

letter, whyche she reteyneth . . . said letter. This detail, Vienne’s refusal to return the letter, is not related in BN1 and Vers. I.back to note source

Chapter 16, Paragraph 4

we. Vienne uses the formal plural.back to note source

maladye. The word has a double meaning, referring to her physical illness but also to her lovesickness for Paris. As long as she suffers this malady she will marry no one, and only Paris can cure her.back to note source

Chapter 16, Paragraph 6

doulphyn. The dauphin’s harsh treatment of Vienne here and in following episodes is extreme, but historical examples show that parents did use such measures to compel their daughters to accept arranged marriages. See the Introduction to this romance, p. 30.back to note source

Chapter 17, Paragraph 1

After. Vers. I has a different order of episodes. There, Paris hears rumors of Vienne’s marriage to the son of the duke of Burgundy and writes to Edward explaining his plans to travel to Venice and points east. This letter is similar to the letter appearing in a later chapter (19.1). In Vers. I Edward’s receipt of the letter is followed by his discovery of Vienne’s prison and the building of a chapel to gain access to it. BL, BN1, and L abbreviate this episode, which appears following Vienne’s second imprisonment (18.5–6).back to note source

Chapter 18, Paragraph 2

quarters of the henne. Breast or leg quarters of a chicken, presumably cooked since they are intended for Vienne to eat (MED quartere (n.), sense 1b).back to note source

Chapter 18, Paragraph 4

I am maryed. Vienne’s pledge to Paris (12.4) and his to her could be considered a binding betrothal. See the Introduction to this romance, pp. 25–26, for discussion of medieval marriage laws.back to note source

stenche. Similar ruses appear in folklore, where women use foul odors to defend their chastity and repel unwanted suitors (MIFL T320.4.1, bad breath; T323.2, smelly cloak). A story of Lombard sisters who repelled their attackers by concealing rotten chicken flesh in their clothes circulated widely in the Middle Ages.back to note source

Chapter 18, Paragraph 5

chapel. A church was adjacent to the castle of the dauphins of Vienne in the fourteenth century.back to note source

Chapter 18, Paragraph 6

Alas, fayr brother . . . best wyse he myght. This passage appears only in the short version. Vienne’s sarcastic comment about her “fayr chambre” is in keeping with her character.back to note source

Chapter 18, Paragraph 7

complaynte. Paris’s speech takes the conventional form of the lover’s lament: despair and dread that that he will lose Vienne to another suitor; hopelessness that impels him to exile; apostrophe to God and to cruel fortune, beseeching that he might suffer the “grevous penaunce” that Vienne endures in prison, for his sake.back to note source

Chapter 20, Paragraph 1

Venyse. Vers. I gives a longer account of Paris’s departure from Venice, then back to Genoa, and then with Bertran de Picartville to Romanie [Romania], then back to Venice before departing for Jerusalem. The Burgundian treatment of Vers. I expands further by incorporating material from contemporary travelogues.back to note source

mounte of Calvarye. This is the site outside of Jerusalem where Jesus was crucified. A visit to this shrine was a major objective of pilgrimage (See Matthew 27:33, Mark 15:22).back to note source

Moores. The term refers to North Africans (Akbari, Idols in the East, p. 285) and in the fourteenth century began to displace Saracen as term refering to Muslims.back to note source

Mouryske. This refers to a language that was also spoken and written by those who do not otherwise live as Muslims.back to note source

Prester Johan. Prester John was the purported ruler of a legendary Christian kingdom in Asia, noted for its marvels and great riches. Well-known travel books by Marco Polo and John Mandeville describe journeys to his fabled realm, as well as to India, China, and pilgrimage sites in Palestine (Ed. Kohanski and Benson, Mandeville, lines 1716–22, 2392–2753).back to note source

berde. Christians associated long beards with Muslims. Fifteenth-century European fashions favored a clean shaven face.back to note source

Holy Sepulture. This is a Church in Jerusalem containing the sepulchre from which Christians believe Christ arose from the dead. (See John 20:2.) It is a major site of pilgrimage.back to note source

Chapter 20, Paragraph 2

out of the toun in the feldes. In romances, dejected, impoverished knights often go to disport themselves in the countryside where they encounter a helper. See Sir Launfal (ed. Laskaya and Salisbury), where the helper is a fairy.back to note source

fawcon. Arabs were conventionally noted for their skill in falconry.back to note source

bynde. BN1 says that he should feed the herbs to the bird, which seems more logical.back to note source

mayntened. To affirm the dignity of one’s rank by expenditures; spend money on a household, a court (MED maintenen (v.), sense 3a).back to note source

Chapter 20, Paragraph 3

Innocent. In 1202 pope Innocent III preached a crusade (the fourth) to conquer the Egyptian sultanate and then Jerusalem; neither of these goals were achieved, though the armies sacked Constantinople. Vers. I has an extended account of the proclamation and gathering of troops for the crusade, and places it immediately after Paris’s arrival in Egypt. Crusades would have been on the minds of Caxton’s audience. In 1480 Pope Sixtus IV had preached a crusade against the Ottoman Turks who had captured Otranto. Caxton printed indulgences for this, and his crusading romance Godfrey of Bolougne appeared in the following year with a prologue that promoted campaigns against Muslims.back to note source

Chapter 21, Paragraph 2

sholde governe hys londe. Medieval wives were expected to play a role in the administration of their husbands’ property in their absences. Knights and nobles traveled frequently for military service or other duties for their overlords.back to note source

Chapter 22, Paragraph 1

evyl Crysten men. The men resemble Judas, who betrayed Jesus for money.back to note source

Babylone. BN1 also reads Babilone, or Babylonia (MED Babiloine (n.), sense 1), though Cooper notes the word was also a European name for Cairo (“Going Native,” p. 31).back to note source

Chapter 22, Paragraph 2

the pope and the kyng of Fraunce. The offer of ransom does not occur in BN1 or Vers. I.back to note source

Chapter 22, Paragraph 3

yndulgences. The friars sought the remission of sins granted by indulgences that the pope issued to those who visited holy sites. They would also have sold indulgences to pilgrims at the sites.back to note source

partyes, whych beyng in tho partyes. BL omits a phrase that BN1 renders as partie de elevante [of the levant/east] and that L renders as parties devers le vent [regions in the direction of the wind]. Caxton’s source text may have been unclear; BN1 and L vary in other details here.back to note source

we that be not of your lawe. Here Paris speaks in character as a Muslim. See also 22.5.back to note source

Chapter 22, Paragraph 5

hande. Vers. I turns to Vienne in prison, where she dreams that she is freed by an eagle.back to note source

Chapter 22, Paragraph 7

tourchemen. The OED truchman (n.) lists Paris and Vienne as the earliest recorded instance of this word in English. Caxton found it in his source.back to note source

Chapter 22, Paragraph 10

swere. In Vers. I the dauphin also swears to give Paris his daughter in marriage, as he had previously offered.back to note source

body of Jhesu Cryst. This refers to the Communion wafer symbolizing Jesus’s body sacrificed to redeem human sin. According to Catholic theology, when blessed by a priest, the bread is transformed into the actual body of Jesus. This miracle is the essental ritual of mass.back to note source

receyved. The dauphin participates in the ritual of Holy Communion, receiving the consecrated wafer and consuming it.back to note source

Chapter 22, Paragraph 12

not been accustomed to drynke wyn. Pierre de la Cépède here refers accurately to the Muslim practice of avoiding alcohol (MIFL K625.2, escape by making watchman drunk.)back to note source

Chapter 22, Paragraph 14

fyftene dayes. Conventional length of time for celebrations in romance. See also 24.1.back to note source

dyd do say. BN1 includes an passage not present in BL or L in which Paris negotiates with the dauphin through the friars, reminding him of his promise to give his rescuer whatever he asked, as well as his lands. Paris concludes by asking to marry Vienne, and promises to become Christian. The dauphin is pleased to grant his request, but says he doubts his daughter will comply, since she is always unwilling to marry; he then calls for the bishop of St. Lawrence and the friar to accompany them to visit Vienne the next day. Vers. I treats this episode at greater length.back to note source

Chapter 22, Paragraph 16

doulphyn. In Vers. I, Vienne dreams that Paris is dead.back to note source

Chapter 22, Paragraph 18

good odour. MIFL V222.4.1, aromatic smell of saint’s body.back to note source

Chapter 23, Paragraph 1

swerde. Fine swords were associated with Muslims (especially steel from Damascus). See note 23.5 below.back to note source

Chapter 23, Paragraph 2

rynge. MIFL H94, identification by ring.back to note source

Chapter 23, Paragraph 4

enbraced. Other romances feature lovers who chastely embrace; such episodes appear in Generides, Sir Degrevant, and Partenope of Blois where they are tests of chastity and the couples are less passionate than Paris and Vienne.back to note source

Chapter 23, Paragraph 5

kyssed hyr. BN1 includes a passage not in BL and L in which Paris, holding the point of his sword, kneels and surrenders it to the dauphin, asking pardon for failing in his duty to his lord, and explaining that he is not the first to do so and that wise men have as well. He then reveals that he is Paris, a vassal the son of messire Jaques, and asks for mercy but offers his sword for the dauphin to take vengeance “on my body” if he is displeased. The dauphin and his men are amazed to hear the Moor speak French and identify himself, the dauphin especially since he had seen Paris so often and had not recognized him. In this text Paris reveals his identity, not Vienne, though her declaration to her father follows as in BL and L.back to note source

Chapter 23, Paragraph 6

borowe. To take with a promise to return, often securing the promise with a pledge or bond; to stand as surity for (MED borwen (v.), senses 1a; 2). Messire Jacques is here speaking as vassal to his lord, who is also lord of Paris.back to note source

Chapter 24, Paragraph 1

dayes. The Burgundian treatment of Vers. I contains an extended description of the wedding, which includes a series of tournaments paralleling those at the beginning of the romance and reaffirming Paris’s superior chivalry and noble status.back to note source

Ysabeau to hys wyf. Edward, and the author, seem to have forgotten his lady in Brabant (1.3), though years have passed since his visit there. By romance convention, confidantes of the protagonists marry each other.back to note source

sayntes in heven. It is conventional for romances to end with a reference to the sainthood of the protagonists, though the author introduces a disclaimer.back to note source